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Rosa: 15 years after the quote

Rosa: 15 years after the quote - rosa golfo-mosca law
Rosa: 15 years after the quote

The debate over gender quotas in corporate leadership has returned to the political forefront after years of relative dormancy. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and former Premier Mario Conte recently reignited the discussion, bringing the “pink quotas” back into the spotlight. The policy, formally known as the “Golfo-Mosca” law, was introduced in 2011, following a similar legislative move by Norway in 2003. That Nordic nation became the first to legally mandate a minimum number of women on the boards of publicly traded companies. Italy joined this trend over a decade later, aiming to force a correction in a corporate structure that had historically excluded half the population from high-level decision-making. Corporate structures often require such legislative nudges to overcome entrenched biases.

Roger Abravanel, a proponent of gender diversity in corporate governance who wrote the 2008 book “Meritocrazia,” offers a measured assessment of the situation after nearly two decades. He notes that Italian boards now reflect a composition close to parity, a shift he views as a positive development rather than an inevitability. “Today, the boards of listed companies have reached a composition close to parity, and Italy has simultaneously had a female president of the Council of Ministers and a female leader of the opposition,” Abravanel stated. He believes this progress should be celebrated rather than taken for granted, emphasizing that the idea of women sitting at the top of major Italian companies seemed unthinkable twenty years ago.

However, Abravanel remains skeptical of the arguments often used to justify these quotas. He rejects the claims made by consulting firms and some academic literature that suggest companies with more women on their boards automatically perform better. “Because those correlations are methodologically fragile: the academic literature is full of attempts to isolate a causal link that remains ambiguous,” he explained. He argues that it is difficult to prove that women leaders are inherently superior to men. Instead, he believes the primary benefit of diversity is an optimization of the talent pool. “It is understandable that excluding half the talent pool systematically reduces the quality of possible choices,” he said, framing the issue as one of strategic efficiency rather than moral obligation.

While the legal framework has successfully increased the presence of women in corporate governance, the deeper structural changes required for true equality are still lacking. The data reveals a significant gap between the presence of women on boards and their actual authority. “We have achieved parity in the board, not in command,” Abravanel noted. In the private sector, the equality that has been realized is mostly limited to supervisory roles, with very few women serving as delegate administrators or general directors. The public sector and culture are exceptions where women hold executive roles more frequently, but the lack of benchmarks makes it hard to determine if this leadership style yields better results.

The presence of women in executive positions carries a tangible cost for families, a reality that often gets overlooked in broader policy discussions. Research indicates that when women reach top executive roles in politics or business, the divorce rate tends to increase significantly compared to their male counterparts. In four out of four professions analyzed among high-profile executives, more successful women tend to divorce than their less successful peers, while the opposite is true for men. This suggests that the professional success of women often clashes with traditional family structures, creating a friction point that the current system struggles to manage.

The feasibility of women reaching these top positions depends heavily on the national context and cultural norms. In the United States, the intense work ethic demands total dedication, creating a high barrier for women who wish to maintain a family life. Conversely, Scandinavian countries, which have pursued a more egalitarian model of sharing domestic responsibilities, have seen more women succeed in business and politics. The situation in China appears to be aligning more closely with the American model, while countries like India, Japan, and parts of the Arab world remain deeply exclusionary. Italy finds itself in a complex position, where some regions operate with a Western standard of equality while others remain mired in a system of a priori exclusion.

The success of female leaders is rarely a result of simply adding tasks to their daily routine. Instead, Abravanel argues that a successful transition to top roles requires a fundamental restructuring of household roles. A partner who accepts a non-traditional domestic role is essential, often after a period of intense dual-career struggles where one partner had to step back. This restructuring often involves the early externalization of caregiving duties and a rejection of the rigid separation between private and professional life. The phenomenon remains rare not because of a lack of merit, but because few families are willing or able to make these difficult adjustments.

Despite these challenges, Abravanel does not believe the push for gender equality should slow down. He argues that the goal should not be to slow the pursuit of parity or to force women to choose between career and family. Instead, he suggests a shift in strategy. “Full equality in executive roles must be built intelligently on three fronts simultaneously,” he said. Organizations must treat diversity as an industrial project with clear goals and budgets. Families must view the redistribution of domestic work as a negotiated choice rather than an emergency. Finally, activists must move beyond counting quotas and focus on intelligent leadership, as the latter is the only factor that truly changes the top echelons of enterprises over time.

The mandate of quotas was never intended to be a permanent state of affairs but rather a temporary tool to break a “pathological” status quo where all-male nomination committees failed to consider female candidates. When a board contains at least two women, this mechanism is disrupted, and the initial problem is resolved. Insisting on strict numerical parity in every organ, regardless of context or merit, risks transforming a useful instrument into an ideological accounting exercise. Activists must eventually step back and allow the women already in the boardroom to push for power equality, rather than just supervisory equality. Italian companies can utilize such mechanisms to ensure a broader range of perspectives.

True change requires a full approach to talent and structure. Modern technology offers tools that might help streamline these complex organizational shifts, but the human element remains the deciding factor in how quotas are applied and interpreted.

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